Special Session Election Bill – Safe and Reasonable

Last week the General Assembly passed and the Governor signed a bill to help deal with a flood of mail-in ballots with a special kicker for Bridgeport.

Our summary, its good, it could have been better, or a lot lot worse.

Last week the General Assembly passed and the Governor signed a bill to help deal with a flood of mail-in ballots with a special kicker for Bridgeport <read>

Our summary, its good, it could have been better, or a lot lot worse.

The Good

  • It provides an Election Monitor for Bridgeport. Bridgeport needs one for every election an primary, not just this election. My experience is that officials in Bridgeport generally know what they are doing. But the result often looks suspicious with many absentee ballot hi-jinks. The last time they had a monitor it resulted in the cancelling and rerunning of a primary. The question is, who will be that monitor and will they be up to the task?
  • It will provide two to three days extra time for clerks and registrars to do the per-election and some of the post-election work so that ballots can be counted more quickly after the election.
  • More time and more timely are good things. It will make all the work more orderly, efficient and accurate, while better satisfying the unfortunate demand for quick results.
  • In our opinion, it is realistic, complies with the spirit of existing law, and it does not compromise security in any significant way.

It Could Have Been Better

  • Realistically it only gives the registrars two additional weekend days to work a temporary staff that will be working full-out the next three or four days during the week. It gives the Clerk extra time to prepare for the work of the Registrars’ staff.
  • It requires that withdrawing a mail-in vote to instead vote at the polls be done by Friday at 5::00pm. It could have been done otherwise.
  • We would allow Clerks to organize ballot packets by district, street, and number as they come in. Not starting at some particular date. We have no idea why not, in any electon.
  • We would allow opening the outer envelopes starting the Monday, eight days before the election, hopefully avoiding much of the weekend work.
  • We would not separate inner and outer envelopes,thus delaying the withdrawal deadline. Its hardly a burden to take the inner out of the outer on election day.
  • We might have considered allowing, closely supervised, the unsealing of the inner envelope starting on the weekend.
  • We would have ordered much tighter security on ballot packages from receipt in the mail room for ballot box. We have been proposing that to the General Assembly for years.
  • THIS ALL SHOULD HAVE BEEN DONE WEEKS AGO.
  • We need monitors in New Haven and Hartford too. Both tend toward Election Day Registration disasters. New Haven has problem counting ballots on time, and we are not confident their officials are up to meeting the demands of the rush of mail-in ballots.

It Could Have Been A Lot Lot Worse

  • There were calls for scanning ballots before election day – other states do that, but it requires detailed procedures and stepped up security to accomplish safely.
  • There were calls for signature curing. That is calling, emailing, or mailing voters if their signature or packed would be rejected. That is all but impossible and likely a civil rights violation, unless almost all of the laws and deadlines for certification were changed. Other states that do that have taken years to claim to have perfected it. Its why one one of those states, CA too 51 days to count the primary – if they do that in Nov, their entire electoral votes may be disqualified.
  • There were calls  for  curing of ballots rejected by scanners. NO STATE DOES THAT. IT WOULD ALSO VIOLATE THE SECRET BALLOT requirement of the Connecticut Constitution.

 

Testimony on three bills

Last Friday, provided testimony on three bills. As I said in my prepared remarks:

I oppose  S.B.365. As I testified last Friday, we humans have difficulty balancing risks and rewards. This is a case where the added risks outweigh the added convenience.

This bill, while well intended, would remove the valuable fraud detection mechanism of hand-signed absentee ballot applications.

I support  H.B.5414. The bill would have the Judiciary rather than the House or Senate rule on remedies to contested elections

The overall result of systems to adjudicate close elections, as our current system for Senator and Representative, is less trust in the system by the public and candidates.

I would support H.B.5404, IF it were Broadened and Corrected.

My written testimony contains a laundry list of issues such a Task Force should address.

I am concerned that this Task Force needs more time, a significant staff budget to handle all the issues, and also to reimburse experts to provide information, analysis, and suggestions to the committee, in order for there to be a thorough evaluation.

Last Friday, provided testimony on three bills. As I said in my prepared remarks:

(Click on the bill numbers for a link to my testimony, which contains links to each bill’s status page, which links to bill text)

I oppose  S.B.365. As I testified last Friday, we humans have difficulty balancing risks and rewards. This is a case where the added risks outweigh the added convenience.

This bill, while well intended, would remove the valuable fraud detection mechanism of hand-signed absentee ballot applications.

I support  H.B.5414. The bill would have the Judiciary rather than the House or Senate rule on remedies to contested elections

Observing all the meetings or hearings in last year’s Committee on Contested Elections and the overall result on public confidence, I strongly support this bill.

The overall result of systems to adjudicate close elections, as our current system for Senator and Representative, is less trust in the system by the public and candidates.

As I said in answer to a question: It does not need eliminate the House and Senate’s prerogative to decide to seat a member or not. I could be worded so that the courts could adjudicate election issues, leaving the House and Senate with the final review.

I would support H.B.5404, IF it were Broadened and Corrected.

First, I would support this Task Force if some significant changes were made, especially to the charge for the Task Force, and if it was appropriately funded and staffed.

This proposal is limited to one, incorrectly defined, type of Ranked Choice Voting known as Instant Runoff Voting. This proposal defines the study in a way that would be impossible to satisfy.

Secondly, My written testimony contains a laundry list of issues such a Task Force should address.

I am concerned that this Task Force needs more time, a significant staff budget to handle all the issues, and also to reimburse experts to provide information, analysis, and suggestions to the committee, in order for there to be a thorough evaluation.

Finally, The Task Force should entail several, opportunities for expert and public oral and written testimony, noticed well in advance.

Four pieces of testimony on five bills

Last Friday, provided five pieces of testimony on six bills. As I said in my prepared remarks:

The context for my testimony on four bills is that humans are not good at accessing risks. We can focus excessively on minor, all but non-existent, risks. We often minimize rare catastrophic risks and ignore frequent familiar risks.

We also do a poor job of balancing risks and rewards.

This Friday I will be submitting three pieces of testimony on three more bills. The theme also applies to one of them.

Last Friday, provided four pieces of testimony onfive bills.  As I said in my prepared remarks:

The context for my testimony on four bills is that humans are not good at accessing risks. We can focus excessively on minor, all but non-existent, risks. We often minimize rare catastrophic risks and ignore frequent familiar risks.

We also do a poor job of balancing risks and rewards.

(Click on the bill numbers for a link to my testimony, which contains links to each bill’s status page, which links to bill text)

I support S.B.233. It would eliminate a long-standing civil rights violation and unnecessary Election Day Registration work.

It would remove the cross-check requirement that results in massive extra work for officials, delays for voters, and has led to the civil rights violation.

There is no experience of risks from EDR, without cross-checks, in any state.

This Friday I will be submitting three pieces of testimony on three more bills. The theme also applies to one of them.

I oppose S.B.241. This bill is an example of excessive concern for, all but non-existent, risks.

It would require checkers be appointed for all EDR locations and authorize unofficial checkers. Apparently, the proponents are unaware that there are no lists to check in EDR locations.

I oppose S.J.15 and H.B.5278 as written. These bills are examples of ignoring actual risks that occur frequently in Connecticut – proven risks for expanded mail-in voting in Connecticut.

When Connecticut passed the Citizens Election Program, part of the justification was a history of corruption. Similarly avoiding expanded mail-in voting is justified by Connecticut’s ongoing record of campaign and insider voting fraud via absentee.

I do not oppose all early voting. I support in-person early voting. See my testimony for a low-cost early voting method suited to Connecticut.

I caution that contrary to intuition, the best science indicates early voting, in any form, tends to DECREASE turnout.

I support, only if modified. S.B.234.

This Friday I will be submitting three pieces of testimony on three more bills. The theme also applies to one of them.